setiap mubalig secara aksiomatis menempatkan al-quran sebagai orbit dakwah dan sinar terang yang ingin dijadikan sumber wejangan-wejangan bagi umatnya. perlu apneugasa yang kuat dan disiplin serta kemampuan tayang tajam dan keahlian serta penguasan yang maksimal terhadap ayat0ayat al-quran ,
seorang meubalig yang tidak menguasai al-quran, sama saja dengan mubalig yang tidak memiliki pemahaman islam yang benar karena inti dari ajaran-ajaran islam terwadari dalam ayat-ayat al-quran.
Kemampuan menafsirkan ayat-ayat yang relevan dengan komunitas, karena penguasaan yang dalam atas al-quran dan hadis-hadis.
karena biasanya mubalig atau aktifis muslim er meurujuk kepada al-quran tidak dalam kapasitas seorang ahli, tidak memiliki penguasaan yang utuh terhadap ayat-ayat al-quran, tidak memiliki latar belakang dan minat yang mendalam dan terumta kecintaan yang besar terhadap ayat-ayat suci al-quran. Jadi ayat-ayat itu hanay sekedar justifikasi datar, sebuah ornamen yangmempesona kata-kata dan bukan lebih jauh lagi ke dalam relung-relung ayat-ayatnya yang bagaimankan intan mutiara.
mubalig yang mencintai al-quran ini selalu menyampaikan pesan tentang agar setiap muslim menyempatkan waktu mempelajari kitab suci ini, Ada banyak rahasia yang mendalam dan khazanah yang tak terkira yagn sangat berharga dan abadi.
Memolesi materi dakwah dengan ayat-ayat al-Quran berarti menjadikan al-quran sebagai atau menjadikan disfungsi ayat-ayat al-quran, semata-semata sebagai asesori kata-kata, dan itu adalah sebuah praktik-praktik yang tidak beradab , tidak etis, karena dengan kata lain mendekonstruksi kesakralan dan asumsi-asumi teologis yang sudah absah diteirma oleh semua level umat islam.
kepandanan ia dalam menjadikan forum sebagai sesuatu yang menarik mata dan telinga. penggunana media memang dimanfaatkan seacara cerdas oleh muhsin. Apa yang akan terjadi jika seorang mubalig hanya pandai
memang ini adalah nilah kepiawaian media dan mimbar menjadi miliknya seolah-olahmemilik ilidah untuk berbicara. pola dakwah yang unik danmenyentuh dengan melibatkan para pendengar sebagai bagian dari aktifitas dakwanya, mislnya dengan menghadirkan qari al-quran duduk disampingnya untk membacakan ayat-ayat al-quran, atau dengan mengajak bicara kepada anak-anak kecil, pemanfaatan papan tulis yang menjadi ciri khasnya, posisi, bahasa lin bodi language yang hidup
ada banyak dimensi dari fenomena dakwah mohsen qiraati, tapi saya akan memilih salah satu unsur saja yaitu materi dakwah, karena keterbatasan-keterbatasan referensi danacuan
materi dakwah yang profesional, materi dakwah yang mengambil inspirasi dari al-quran, klasifikasi masalah menjadi jelas, uraian yang sistematis dan runut, bahasan-bahasa yang segar dan kontekstual, ilustrasi-ilustrasi yang benar-benar dekat dengan kehidupan seputar umat. analogi-analogi yang tajam dan berakar dari tradisi-tradisi quran, sunnah dan manusia-manusi asuci
Huntington began his thinking by surveying the diverse theories about the nature of global politics in the post-Cold War period. Some theorists and writers argued that liberal democracy and Western values had become the only remaining ideological alternative for nations in the post-Cold War world. Specifically, Francis Fukuyama argued that the world had reached the 'end of history' in a Hegelian sense.
Huntington believed that while the age of ideology had ended, the world had only reverted to a normal state of affairs characterized by cultural conflict. In his thesis, he argued that the primary axis of conflict in the future would be along cultural and religious lines. As an extension, he posits that the concept of different civilizations, as the highest rank of cultural identity, will become increasingly useful in analyzing the potential for conflict. In the 1993 Foreign Affairs article, Huntington writes:
- It is my hypothesis that the fundamental source of conflict in this new world will not be primarily ideological or primarily economic. The great divisions among humankind and the dominating source of conflict will be cultural. Nation states will remain the most powerful actors in world affairs, but the principal conflicts of global politics will occur between nations and groups of different civilizations. The clash of civilizations will dominate global politics. The fault lines between civilizations will be the battle lines of the future.
Huntington seems to fall in the primordialist school, believing that culturally defined groups are ancient and natural, however his early work would suggest he is a Structural Functionalist. His view that nation states would remain the most powerful actors is in line with realism. Finally, his warning that the Western civilization may decline is inspired by Arnold J. Toynbee, Carroll Quigley, and Oswald Spengler.
The definition, nomenclature, and even the number of civilizations are somewhat ambiguous in Huntington's works. Civilizations may consist of states and social groups (such as ethnic and religious minorities). Predominant religion seems to be the main criterion of his classification, but in some cases geographical proximity and linguistic similarity are important as well. Using various studies of history, Huntington divided the world into the "major" civilizations in his thesis as such:
- Western civilization, centered on Western Europe (particularly the European Union) and North America, but also including other European-derived countries such as Australia and New Zealand. Huntington also includes the Pacific Islands, East Timor, Suriname,[citations needed] French Guiana, and northern and central Philippines. Whether Latin America and the former member states of the Soviet Union are included, or are instead their own separate civilizations, will be an important future consideration for those regions, according to Huntington.
- The Orthodox world of Armenia, Belarus, Bulgaria, Georgia, Macedonia, Moldova, Montenegro, Romania, Russia, Serbia, and Ukraine.
- Latin America. It's a hybrid of the western world and the local indigenous people. May be considered a part of Western civilization, though it has slightly distinct social and political structures from Europe and North America. Many people of the Southern Cone, however, regard themselves as full members of the Western civilization.
- The Muslim world of Central Asia, North Africa, Southwest Asia, Afghanistan, Albania, Azerbaijan, Bangladesh, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Indonesia, Malaysia, Maldives, Pakistan, Somalia, Mindanao, and parts of India.
- Hindu civilization, located chiefly in India, Nepal, and culturally adhered to by the global Non-resident Indians and People of Indian Origin, the diaspora.
- The Sinic civilization of China, Korea, Singapore, Taiwan, and Vietnam. This group also includes the Chinese diaspora, especially in relation to Southeast Asia.
- Japan, considered a hybrid of Chinese civilization and older Altaic patterns.
- The civilization of Sub-Saharan Africa is considered as a possible 8th civilization by Huntington.
- The Buddhist areas of Bhutan, Cambodia, Laos, Mongolia, Myanmar, Sri Lanka, Thailand, Arunachal Pradesh, Kalmykia, parts of Nepal, parts of Siberia, and the Tibetan government-in-exile are identified as separate from other civilizations, but Huntington believes that they do not constitute a major civilization in the sense of international affairs.
- Instead of belonging to one of the "major" civilizations, Ethiopia, Haiti, and Turkey are labeled as "Lone" countries. Israel could be considered a unique state with its own civilization, Huntington writes, but one which is extremely similar to the West. Huntington also believes that former British colonies in the Caribbean constitute a distinct entity.
- In some cases, the Sinic, Hindu, Buddhist and Japonic civilizations are merged into a single civilization called Eastern World.
Huntington argues that the trends of global conflict after the end of the Cold War are increasingly appearing at these civilizational divisions. Wars such as those following the break up of Yugoslavia, in Chechnya, and between India and Pakistan were cited as evidence of inter-civilizational conflict.
Huntington also argues that the widespread Western belief in the universality of the West's values and political systems is naive and that continued insistence on democratization and such "universal" norms will only further antagonize other civilizations. Huntington sees the West as reluctant to accept this because it built the international system, wrote its laws, and gave it substance in the form of the United Nations. Huntington identifies a major shift of economic, military, and political power from the West to the other civilizations of the world, most significantly to what he identifies as the two "challenger civilizations", Sinic and Islam.
In Huntington's view, East Asian Sinic civilization is culturally asserting itself and its values relative to the West due to its rapid economic growth. Specifically, he believes that China's goals are to reassert itself as the regional hegemon, and that other countries in the region will 'bandwagon' with China due to the history of hierarchical command structures implicit in the Confucian Sinic civilization, as opposed to the individualism and pluralism valued in the West. In other words, regional powers such as the two Koreas and Vietnam will acquiesce to Chinese demands and become more supportive of China rather than attempting to oppose it. Huntington therefore believes that the rise of China poses one of the most significant problems and the most powerful long-term threat to the West, as Chinese cultural assertion clashes with the American desire for the lack of a regional hegemony in East Asia.
Huntington argues that the Islamic civilization has experienced a massive population explosion which is fueling instability both on the borders of Islam and in its interior, where fundamentalist movements are becoming increasingly popular. Manifestations of what he terms the "Islamic Resurgence" include the 1979 Iranian revolution and the first Gulf war. Perhaps the most controversial statement Huntington made in the Foreign Affairs article was that "Islam has bloody borders". Huntington believes this to be a real consequence of several factors, including the previously mentioned Muslim youth bulge and population growth and Islamic proximity to many civilizations including Sinic, Orthodox, Western, and African.
Huntington sees Islamic civilization as a potential ally to China, both having more revisionist goals and sharing common conflicts with other civilizations, especially the West. Specifically, he identifies common Chinese and Islamic interests in the areas of weapons proliferation, human rights, and democracy that conflict with those of the West, and feels that these are areas in which the two civilizations will cooperate. Russia, Japan, and India are what Huntington terms 'swing civilizations' and may favor either side. Russia, for example, clashes with the many Muslim ethnic groups on its southern border (such as Chechnya) but cooperates with Iran in order to avoid further Muslim-Orthodox violence in Southern Russia and in an attempt to continue the flow of oil. Huntington argues that a "Sino-Islamic connection" is emerging in which China will cooperate more closely with Iran, Pakistan, and other states to augment its international position.
Huntington also argues that civilizational conflicts are "particularly prevalent between Muslims and non-Muslims", identifying the "bloody borders" between Islamic and non-Islamic civilizations. This conflict dates back as far as the initial thrust of Islam into Europe, its eventual expulsion in the Spanish reconquest, the attacks of the Ottoman Turks on Eastern Europe and Vienna, and the European imperial division of the Islamic nations in the 1800s and 1900s. He believes that some of the factors contributing to this conflict are that both Christianity (upon which Western civilization is based) and Islam are:
- Missionary religions, seeking conversion by others
- Universal, "all-or-nothing" religions, in the sense that it is believed by both sides that only their faith is the correct one;
- Teleological religions, that is, that their values and beliefs represent the goals of existence and purpose in human existence.
More recent factors contributing to a Western-Islamic clash, Huntington wrote, are the Islamic Resurgence and demographic explosion in Islam, coupled with the values of Western universalism - that is, the view that all civilizations should adopt Western values - that infuriate Islamic fundamentalists.
All these historical and modern factors combined, Huntington wrote briefly in his Foreign Affairs article and in much more detail in his 1996 book, would lead to a bloody clash between the Islamic and Western civilizations. Along with Sinic-Western conflict, he believed, the Western-Islamic clash would represent the bloodiest conflicts of the early 21st century. Thus, the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks and subsequent events including the Afghanistan and Iraq wars have been widely viewed as a vindication of the Clash theory.